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Lorraine Welch, 2020. Naming the Reciprocal Roles of Britain’s Black and Minority Ethnic Communities. Reformulation, Summer, pp.40-43.
Introduction
This article aims to explore and consolidate explanations for how Britain’s societal inequity impacts upon BAME (Black, Asian Minority, Ethnic) people in Britain. I hope also to articulate my perspective of the felt experiences of those affected, using a Cognitive Analytic Therapy (CAT) understanding. This article is one of 2; the latter aiming to give an account of how the referenced themes manifest clinically.
These themes are personal because my parents were first-generation migrants from the Philippines and Barbados so I consider myself BAME. I use BAME for non-white and Caucasian minorities and migrants, in spirit of this terminology’s original intention (Norrie, 2015), and in recognition of a comparable plight in the UK. I use the term native broadly for people who identify as having had a long ancestry in Britain. I acknowledge polarising terminologies potentially replicate an ‘othering' dynamic which mirrors this writing’s themes. In reality individuals have varying experiences of disempowerment, arising from falling under multiple social stratifications for disadvantage in different situations. This concept is called ‘intersectionality’ (Crenshaw, 1991). For some seduced by the political agenda to ‘scapegoat’ in the way Rene Girard described in his Mimetic Theories, (Tinker, 2019); BAME’s different intersections might be unnoticeable enough to cause comparable prejudice that I can’t overlook.
My parents came to England as mental health nurses, contributing their healthcare skills to the NHS between the 60s and 90s. Both applied for British passports and engendered in me that I was British to counter the impact of racism we faced amongst Kent’s predominantly white middle-class population. Resultantly, we stifled our ‘ethnic’ identities, using our British nationalities as protective shields and keys to unlock opportunities. Therefore I have had similar socio-economic opportunities to my native peers. This privilege in comparison to other 2nd generation migrants, I did not question until I moved to London, witnessing the stark difference in the lives and opportunities of my patients with similar origins; whilst training in forensic psychiatric nursing.
I worked for 3 years as a care coordinator with early psychosis when I concurrently started training in CAT in community mental health services. Currently I am a CAT practitioner on an eating disorder ward, in a multicultural borough where I am a black (BAME) psychological trainee in the minority. Mental health service-users and frontline staff are disproportionately represented by BAMEs and I note systemic inequity and privilege operating; in whom tends to provide what sort of help, to which group. Within the remit of a pressured NHS, such help is questionably effective for BAMEs due to the real-life traps and snags of deprivation and disempowerment (Hagan and Smail, 1997 and Hagan et al, 2019) more likely encountered. I identify these situational barriers in Reciprocal Roles (RRs) which underlie pervasive distress for BAMEs in society.
The influential voices of Law and Politics
The government recently enshrined an inclusive and protective narrative in law and national values; such as the Human Rights Act, Equality Act and British Values. Such are often organisationally enforceable, but not personally; especially across intersections of society who are disadvantaged multifariously and because of legal specificity. Hagan and Smail (1997) provide a framework for understanding distress within context of societal power operating. Rather than considering distress as resulting only from personal disempowerment (beliefs and feelings); proximal influences (e.g. education and family) and further, distal influences (politics, economics, culture and media) help to locate distress and disempowerment into a wider context.
According to Bakhtin, society is naturally dialogic because culture, language and speech systems continuously interact to create and transform it. We develop amidst society where social voices and signs interact and are spoken to oneself. Internalising these in various RRs, become socially-constructed relational templates, (Leiman, 1994). Arguably the more socially powerful voices are internalised and operate between us. Bakhtin was interested in our capacity for individual interpretation of dialogue and context , to co-author situations. Therefore powerful voices within politics, law and media are incongruent with actual real-life experiences for the less-powerful public in society. It is seductive to attribute societal inequalities to meritocracy or elitism. However considering current Britain against a background of remaining economically powerful enough to compete with other nations, Capitalism is a distal voice (Hagan and Smail, 1997) which co-authors disempowerment and the disconnect between successive government’s endorsements of ‘caring, levelling’ legislation and what manifests in felt neglect.
If according to Bakhtin, culture transforms society, in economic terms, then societal inequity, competition and the potential for monopoly of power and resources is a culture that Capitalism inevitably creates, to benefit economic growth (Pettinger, 2017). Debatably this state of continuous competition between individuals for resources, dialogically permeates our individual and collective sense of ourselves as ‘only safe and valuable dependent on accrued material power and resources’ (Hagan and Smail,1997).
Britain’s 10 years of austerity have purported the message that our health, accommodation and distresses are unimportant. The patients I see for therapy have routinely waited for 1 year; feeling surprised or desperate when contacted. I too have felt powerless to adequately care for patients amidst unrealistic targets, a common experience for NHS staff.
These issues suggest that distal influences exacerbate and propagate societal distress, due to material disadvantage and collective and individual disempowerment to impact change (Hagan and Smail,1997). Consequently, the pervading societal experience in relation to the government and public services manifests in the RR;
‘Restricting, neglecting, withholding’
in relation to
‘Needy, deprived and scared’
BAMEs are disempowered in comparison to the general population
The increasing climate of resource-scarcity seems felt by all. However it is evident that this impacts BAMEs disproportionately, due to the disenfranchising effects of such systemic barriers as nationality, legal status and poverty. Whereas my British passport has afforded my privilege, there is further evidence of the
‘Restricting, neglecting, withholding’
in relation to
‘Needy, deprived and scared’
RR operating in the notorious struggle for naturalisation, for some even after living in the UK for years, if not born to British parents or in Britain. This is due to the extortionate costs and complicated processes involved. Such barriers are actual ‘snags’ and ‘traps’ which are proximally and distally influenced (Hagan and Smail, 2019).
BAMEs are also disadvantaged due to perceived rivalry with natives for ‘scarce’ resources, driven by capitalism, and a political campaign that influenced the ideological identity of a ‘disenfranchised native working class’ to scapegoat migrants for this resource scarcity, revisiting Girard’s Mimetic Theories and describing how desire and prejudice result in societal rivalry (Tinker, 2019). This is despite BAMEs being largely represented in the UK’s working class (Akala 2018b). These experiences of racism and opposition to globalisation might be difficult to fathom for BAMEs amidst contradictory promotion of equality and diversity legislature previously mentioned.
BAMEs, Nationality and Inequity
The tension between a humanitarian and economic narrative for Britain disproportionately impacts BAMEs, as it is well documented that migrants experience poorer life quality than natives in terms of atypical working hours, education, social support, housing, environment, perceived safety and life satisfaction. This is echoed in my experiences with care coordination clients, in their stressors and feelings of personal failure, against the backdrop of unstable social circumstances.
Perhaps a general effect of austerity and adverse social circumstances amongst the population is idealisation, the alternative impact of consistently negative relational experiences. Seeking-out an RR missing from life, could be enacted in the quest for and pride in British nationality; an exclusive, almost unattainable privilege. Striving for ‘security’ might be a societal procedure, to cope with unmanageable fear, provoked by scarcity. Nationalism and nationality might be romanticised and idealised notions for natives imagining a homogenous set of people and ideals (Appiah, 2018), so the ideal solution for BAMEs' disenfranchisement; engendered in the RR;
‘Ideally protecting and providing’
in relation to
‘Perfectly empowered enfranchised and safe’
This could be supported by an observation that the needs of those inhabiting Britain’s borders are prioritised according to their legal status or nationality, demarking them as ‘belonging to’ or ‘not belonging to’ Britain. Paradoxically, governmental reports suggest that migrants express higher trust in the political system than natives, which may reflect a possible response to the tolerant self-image purported by Britain. This might elicit a false sense of security for migrants, and the procedure of striving for belonging.
Refugees and Asylum Seekers, fleeing from serious traumas in their lands, are BAMEs who are particularly at risk of seeking from Britain a RR of;
‘Ideally protecting and providing’
in relation to
‘Perfectly empowered, enfranchised and safe’
The recent migrant or refugee crisis, leads people to risk their lives to cross seas and borders, fleeing from poverty stricken, war-torn countries. Britain has tolerated or approached refugees and asylum seekers in terms of a border-control problem or criminality, often replicating the traumas fled from, rather than empathising with their plights as symptomatic of their involvement with international capitalist conflicts (Akala, 2018a). Ultimately with an idealised RR, there is the danger of seeking unrealistic relationships, contributing to disappointment. Britain accepted the lowest numbers of refugees for asylum claims out of the European union and opted out of a shared quota system in 2015, creating the message that migrants are unwelcome and enacting the RR of;
‘Restricting, neglecting, withholding’
in relation to
‘Needy, deprived and scared’ self-to-other RR’
Furthermore, fuelled by rivalry, the agenda to detract from political failure or tout an idealised solution, BAMEs have even been framed as liable for resource scarcity with the myth that Britain is ‘full-up’ (Salt and Gander 2015). Such has hurtfully driven a RR of;
‘Resenting, blaming’
in relation to
‘Resenting, blaming and unwelcome’
operating not only between refugees and those identifying as native and equally disenfranchised, but also between the government and BAME migrants of differing intersections, including whether they are naturalised or not.
Most notably, Brexit offered an idealised solution to resource-scarcity, despite the likely negative economic impact. Brexit has created panic and fear in European BAMEs and other migrants alike, who have experienced it as personally rejecting and blaming (Akala, 2018b and Tinker, 2019), due to overt experiences of racism and othering I’ve witnessed or shared by BAME patients, and colleagues. Conversely, positive contributions of migrants have been under-publicised (Akala, 2018b) until recently, where it can’t be overlooked amidst the COVID-19 pandemic, that there are disproportionate numbers of BAME NHS staff on the frontline, leading the fight (Siddique, 2020).
Britain: A narcissistic parent to adopted children?
Britain has historically experienced influxes of mass migration of peoples with regularity, much to its benefit. However the historical dialogue concerning Britain’s relationship with BAMEs within and outside its borders is disturbing. In Britain’s past, there is a narrative of economic egocentrism that expended human lives as collateral in the pursuit of wealth, power and status.
The British Empire was among the most powerful developments in world history, shaping the current socio-political situations of many countries, covering a quarter of the world’s surface and lasting over five centuries. This power cost enslaved black people during the transatlantic slave trade. The systemic and psychological reverberations of these, immeasurably impact upon non-white BAMEs modern lives. What Britain violently gained in acquiring and defending territories during this period and subsequently during the 1st and 2nd World wars resulted in lost lives, liberty, cultures, religions and relationships under the guise of civilisation (Akala 2018a).
During the 2nd world war, British colony citizens were recruited to fight for the economic and political interests of governments. Subsequently, Britain encouraged former colony inhabitants to settle in Britain to help physically and economically rebuild the decimated remnants of Britain. This lead to significant numbers of Europeans and West Indians emigrating from 1946, in a mass recruitment period now known as ‘Windrush’, associated primarily with the ship that first brought over 500 Caribbean’s to England, from islands notably lucrative for Britain during slavery. Other current BAMEs come to Britain from countries that Britain had roles in colonising or politically impacting upon (Akala 2018a).
Contrary to legislation and British values, the government took time to empathise with the plight of BAME communities they have historically harmed and have expressed gratitude late for assistance they historically and currently provide. Rather an abuse of power is demonstrated by the Windrush scandal. Many generations of the original Windrush migrants of 1948 have been deprived of citizenship, services, livelihoods, faced deportation and fatality due to barriers to becoming citizens, despite decades of inhabiting Britain and contributing economically (Akala, 2018b).
Considering these historical and recent events, Britain might be experienced as a rather narcissistic parent to ‘adopted’ BAMEs, misusing them to meet their own need for power. These issues tragically engender a RR of;
‘Powerful, manipulating abuser’
in relation to
‘Weak, confused Victim’
This RR is enacted between Britain’s leaders, authorities and BAMEs, and further operates at proximal levels of education, work, healthcare and personal relationships for BAMEs and others (Hagan and Smail, 1997). I have found this a sobering pill to swallow considering the innumerable BAME frontline workers whom have sacrificed themselves selflessly or necessarily (due to real-life snags and traps?) in spite of this history and RRs amidst the current pandemic.
When writing this article, my objective was to outline British society’s dialogue of historical, current, inter and intra personal, proximal and distal matters (Hagan and Smail ,1997) which have set-up problematic RRs, operating between BAMEs and others. It is clear to me that only in firstly naming these, is there a basis for genuinely and equitably addressing social context in mental health and CAT practice.
References
Akala (2018) Natives: Race and Class in the Ruins of The Empire, Two Roads: London.
Appiah, Kwame A. (2018) The Lies that Bind: Rethinking Identity. Profile Books: London.
Dearden, Lizzie (2018) More migrant boats will head for UK, investigators say as Home Office declares ‘major incident’ . [Online] Last Accessed 19th February 2019, available at: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/migrant-boats-uk-kent-dover-english-channel-calais-sajid-javid-home-office-border-force-a8702471.html
Hagan, T. and Smail, D. (1997) ‘Power-Mapping-I. Background and Basic Methodology.’ Journal of Community and Applied Social Psychology, 7,PP. 257-267
Hagan,T., Armstrong, A. And Bostock, J. (2019) ‘Putting the Social into Psychotherapy’ in Lloyd, Julie and Pollard, Rachel (Eds.), Cognitive Analytic Therapy and the Politics of Mental Health,Oxon: Routeledge, PP. 38-53.
Leiman, Mikael.(1994). ‘The Development of Cognitive Analytic Therapy’, International Journal of Short Term Psychotherapy, 9, 67-81.
Norrie, Richard (2015) What’s in an acronym: A BAME by any other name. [Online] Last Accessed 24th February 2019. Available at: http://www.integrationhub.net/whats-in-an-acronym-a-bame-by-any-other-name/
Pettinger, Tejvan (2017) Economics Health: Helping to simplify Economics.[Online] Last Accessed 30th November 2018, Available At: https://www.economicshelp.org/blog/glossary/capitalist-economic-system/
Salt , J. and Gander, K. (2015) Is Britain really full up? Are migrants taking our jobs? Leading academic answers the most common anti-immigration claims. [Online] Last Accessed 4th November 2018. Available at: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/is-britain-really-full-up-we-put-the-most-common-assumptions-about-immigration-to-an-expert-10427400.html
Siddique, Haroon (2020a) UK government urged to investigate coronavirus deaths of BAME doctors. [Online] Last Accessed 20th April 2020. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/society/2020/apr/10/uk-coronavirus-deaths-bame-doctors-bma
Tinker, M. (2019) ‘Why Hate Matters: An introduction to Rene Girard’s theories of mimesis and the scapegoat mechanism and their relevance to CAT theory and practice’ in Lloyd, Julie and Pollard, Rachel (Eds.), Cognitive Analytic Therapy and the Politics of Mental Health,Oxon: Routeledge, pp199-209.